Formalistic Approach Applied to the Poem “Order for Masks”

Formalistic Approach Applied to the Poem â€Å"Order for Masks† First and foremost this paper endeavors to appreciate the piece of poetry written by Virginia Moreno. Without having any knowledge regarding the author’s life and time, this paper will try to stand on its own as an entity in itself. It is worthy to note that, a lot of patience for the critic as well as for the evaluator is needed to fully understand the meaning of this poem. After the first reading of the poem, I could only grasp how ambiguous the poem could get. This narrative poem written in free verse speaks about a persona who wears a mask to portray certain as a task to the three men in her life. The narration of the female persona talks to Billiken which is actually a†¦show more content†¦19 When my father comes 20 Make me one so like 21 His child once eating his white bread in trance 22 Philomela before she was raped The second mask of the persona is for her father. From lines 19 to 22, the desire to have the mask designed with a face of innocence, naà ¯ve and childlike. However, line 21 could mean that the child is in a state of complete mental absorption or deep musing. Seemingly in line 22, Philomela is used again as an allusion to represent the personality that the persona wanted to be like. In Greek Mythology, Philomela was raped by her sister’s husband, Tereus. The Philomela being referred to in the poem is the one that is virginal, pure and unadulterated. 23 I hope by likeness 24 To make him believe this is the same kind 25 The chaste face he made 26 And my blind Lear will walk me out 27 Without a word 28 Fearing to peer behind In lines 23-25, the persona expresses her yearning towards being like a child she once was. And on line 26, the father this time is compared to King Lear from Shakespeare’s drama—an aging King of Britain whose downfall was caused by his daughters. That is why, in lines 26-28, we can see that her father fears to peer behind because he is afraid that his child would also cause his downfall. Again line 26 shows the phrase ‘will walk me out’ which portends that the persona’s attempt to please her father is futile. .29 If my lover comes 30Show MoreRelatedANALIZ TEXT INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS28843 Words   |  116 Pagesreciprocally related, especially in modern fiction. A major function of plot can be said to be the representation of characters in action, though as we will see the action involved can be internal and psychological as well as external and physical. In order for a plot to begin, some kind of catalyst is necessary. An existing equilibrium or stasis must be broken that will generate a sequence of events, provide direction to the plot, and focus the attention of the reader. Most plots originate in some significant

Foucault Power Free Essays

string(346) " of philosophy is to prevent reason from going beyond the limits of what is given in experience; but from the same moment-that is, since the development of the modern state and the political management of society-the role of philosophy is also to keep watch over the excessive powers of political rationality, which is a rather high expectation\." The Subject and Power Author(s): Michel Foucault Source: Critical Inquiry, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Summer, 1982), pp. We will write a custom essay sample on Foucault Power or any similar topic only for you Order Now 777-795 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/1343197 . Accessed: 26/09/2011 07:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms Conditions of Use, available at . http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor. org. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Critical Inquiry. http://www. jstor. org The Subject and Power Michel Foucault Why Study Power? The Question of the Subject The ideas which I would like to discuss here represent neither a theory nor a methodology. I would like to say, first of all, what has been the goal of my work during the last twenty years. It has not been to analyze the phenomena of power, nor to elaborate the foundations of such an analysis. My objective, instead, has been to create a history of the different modes by which, in our culture, human beings are made subjects. My work has dealt with three modes of objectification which transform human beings into subjects. The first is the modes of inquiry which try to give themselves the status of sciences; for example, the objectivizing of the speaking subject in grammaire generale, philology, and linguistics. Or again, in this first mode, the objectivizing of the productive subject, the subject who labors, in the analysis of wealth and of economics. Or, a third example, the objectivizing of the sheer fact of being alive in natural history or biology. In the second part of my work, I have studied the objectivizing of the subject in what I shall call â€Å"dividing practices. † The subject is either This essay was written by Michel Foucault as an afterword to Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralismand Hermeneuticsby Hubert L. Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow and reprinted by arrangement with the University of Chicago Press. â€Å"Why Study Power? The Question of the Subject† was written in English by Foucault; â€Å"How Is Power Exercised? † was translated from the French by Leslie Sawyer. Critical Inqury 8 (Summer 1982) , 1982 by The Uni ersity of Chicago. 0093-1896/82/0804-0006$01. 00. All rights reserved. 777 778 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power divided inside himself or divided from others. This process objectivizes him. Examples are the mad and the sane, the sick and the healthy, the criminals and the â€Å"good boys. Finally, I have sought to study-it is my current work-the way a human being turns himself into a subject. For example, I have chosen the domain of sexuality-how men have learned to recognize themselves as subjects of â€Å"sexuality. † Thus, it is not power but the subject which is the general theme of my research. It is true that I became quite involved with the quest ion of power. It soon appeared to me that, while the human subject is placed in relations of production and of signification, he is equally placed in power relations which are very complex. Now, it seemed to me that economic history and theory provided a good instrument for relations of production and that linguistics and semiotics offered instruments for studying relations of signification; but for power relations we had no tools of study. We had recourse only to ways of thinking about power based on legal models, that is: What legitimates power? Or, we had recourse to ways of thinking about power based on institutional models, that is: What is the state? It was therefore necessary to expand the dimensions of a definition of power if one wanted to use this definition in studying the objectivizing of the subject. Do we need a theory of power? Since a theory assumes a prior objectification, it cannot be asserted as a basis for analytical work. But this analytical work cannot proceed without an ongoing conceptualization. And this conceptualization implies critical thought-a constant checking. The first thing to check is what I shall call the â€Å"conceptual needs. † I mean that the conceptualization should not be founded on a theory of the object-the conceptualized object is not the single criterion of a good conceptualization. We have to know the historical conditions which motivate our conceptualization. We need a historical awareness of our present circumstance. The second thing to check is the type of reality with which we are dealing. A writer in a well-known French newspaper once expressed his surprise: â€Å"Why is the notion of power raised by so many people today? Is Michel Foucault has been teaching at the College de France since 1970. His works include Madness and Civilization (1961), The Birth of the Clinic (1966), Discipline and Punish (1975), and History of Sexuality (1976), the first volume of a projected five-volume study. Critical Inquiry Summer1982 779 it such an important subject? Is it so independent that it can be discussed without taking into account other problems? † This writer’s surprise amazes me. I feel skeptical about the assumption that this question has been raised for the first time in the twentieth century. Anyway, for us it is not only a theoretical question but a part of our experience. I’d like to mention only two â€Å"pathological forms†-those two â€Å"diseases of power†-fascism and Stalinism. One of the numerous reasons why they are, for us, so puzzling is that in spite of their historical uniqueness they are not quite original. They used and extended mechanisms already present in most other societies. More than that: in spite of their own internal madness, they used to a large extent the ideas and the devices of our political rationality. What we need is a new economy of power relations-the word â€Å"economy† being used in its theoretical and practical sense. To put it in other words: since Kant, the role of philosophy is to prevent reason from going beyond the limits of what is given in experience; but from the same moment-that is, since the development of the modern state and the political management of society-the role of philosophy is also to keep watch over the excessive powers of political rationality, which is a rather high expectation. You read "Foucault Power" in category "Papers" Everybody is aware of such banal facts. But the fact that they’re banal does not mean they don’t exist. What we have to do with banal facts is to discover-or try to discover-which specific and perhaps original problem is connected with them. The relationship between rationalization and excesses of political power is evident. And we should not need to wait for bureaucracy or concentration camps to recognize the existence of such relations. But the problem is: What to do with such an evident fact? Shall we try reason? To my mind, nothing would be more sterile. First, because the field has nothing to do with guilt or innocence. Second, because it is senseless to refer to reason as the contrary entity to nonreason. Last, because such a trial would trap us into playing the arbitrary and boring part of either the rationalist or the irrationalist. Shall we investigate this kind of rationalism which seems to be specific to our modern culture and which originates in Aufkldrung? I think that was the approach of some of the members of the Frankfurt School. My purpose, however, is not to start a discussion of their works, although they are most important and valuable. Rather, I would suggest another way of investigating the links between rationalization and power. It may be wise not to take as a whole the rationalization of society or of culture but to analyze such a process in several fields, each with reference to a fundamental experience: madness, illness, death, crime, sexuality, and so forth. I think that the word â€Å"rationalization† is dangerous. What we have 780 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power to do is analyze specific rationalities rather than always invoke the progress of rationalization in general. Even if the Aufkliirung has been a very important phase in our history and in the development of political technology, I think we have to refer to much more remote processes if we want to understand how we have been trapped in our own history. I would like to suggest another way to go further toward a new economy of power relations, a way which is more empirical, more directly related to our present situation, and which implies more relations between theory and practice. It consists of taking the forms of resistance against different forms of power as a starting point. To use another metaphor, it consists of using this resistance as a chemical catalyst so as to bring to light power relations, locate their position, and find out their point of application and the methods used. Rather than analyzing power from the point of view of its internal rationality, it consists of analyzing power relations through the antagonism of strategies. For example, to find out what our society means by sanity, perhaps we should investigate what is happening in the field of insanity. And what we mean by legality in the field of illegality. And, in order to understand what power relations are about, perhaps we should investigate the forms of resistance and attempts made to dissociate these relations. As a starting point, let us take a series of oppositions which have developed over the last few years: opposition to the power of men over women, of parents over children, of psychiatry over the mentally ill, of medicine over the population, of administration over the ways people live. It is not enough to say that these are anti-authority struggles; we must try to define more precisely what they have in common. . They are â€Å"transversal† struggles; that is, they are not limited to one country. Of course, they develop more easily and to a greater extent in certain countries, but they are not confined to a particular political or economic form of government. 2. The aim of these struggles is the power effects as such. For example, the medical profession is not criticized primarily because it is a profit-making concer n but because it exercises an uncontrolled power over people’s bodies, their health, and their life and death. 3. These are â€Å"immediate† struggles for two reasons. In such struggles people criticize instances of power which are the closest to them, those which exercise their action on individuals. They do not look for the â€Å"chief enemy† but for the immediate enemy. Nor do they expect to find a solution to their problem at a future date (that is, liberations, revolutions, end of class struggle). In comparison with a theoretical scale of explanations or a revolutionary order which polarizes the historian, they are anarchistic struggles. Critical Inquiry Summer1982 781 But these are not their most original points. The following seem to me to be more specific. . They are struggles which question the status of the individual: on the one hand, they assert the right to be different, and they underline everything which makes individuals truly individual. On the other hand, they attack everything which separates the individual, breaks his links with others, splits up community life, forces the individual back on himself, and ties him to his o wn identity in a constraining way. These struggles are not exactly for or against the â€Å"individual† but rather they are struggles against the â€Å"government of individualization. 5. They are an opposition to the effects of power which are linked with knowledge, competence, and qualification: struggles against the privileges of knowledge. But they are also an opposition against secrecy, deformation, and mystifying representations imposed on people. There is nothing â€Å"scientistic† in this (that is, a dogmatic belief in the value of scientific knowledge), but neither is it a skeptical or relativistic refusal of all verified truth. What is questioned is the way in which knowledge circulates and functions, its relations to power. In short, the regime du savoir. 6. Finally, all these present struggles revolve around the question: Who are we? They are a refusal of these abstractions, of economic and ideological state violence, which ignore who we are individually, and also a refusal of a scientific or administrative inquisition which determines who one is. To sum up, the main objective of these struggles is to attack not so much â€Å"such or such† an institution of power, or group, or elite, or class but rather a technique, a form of power. This form of power applies itself to immediate everyday life which categorizes the individual, marks him by his own individuality, attaches him to his own identity, imposes a law of truth on him which he must recognize and which others have to recognize in him. It is a form of power which makes individuals subjects. There are two meanings of the word â€Å"subject†: subject to someone else by control and dependence; and tied to his own identity by a conscience or self-knowledge. Both meanings suggest a form of power which subjugates and makes subject to. Generally, it can be said that there are three types of struggles: either against forms of domination (ethnic, social, and religious); against forms of exploitation which separate individuals from what they produce; or against that which ties the individual to himself and submits him to others in this way (struggles against subjection, against forms of subjectivity and submission). I think that in history you can find a lot of examples of these three kinds of social struggles, either isolated from each other or mixed together. But even when they are mixed, one of them, most of the time, prevails. For instance, in the feudal societies, the struggles against the 782 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power forms of ethnic or social domination were prevalent, even though economic exploitation could have been very important among the revolt’s causes. In the nineteenth century, the struggle against exploitation came into the foreground. And nowadays, the struggle against the forms of subjectionagainst the submission of subjectivity-is becoming more and more important, even though the struggles against forms of domination and exploitation have not disappeared. Quite the contrary. I suspect that it is ot the first time that our society has been confronted with this kind of struggle. All those movements which took place in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and which had the Reformation as their main expression and result should be analyzed as a great crisis of the Western experience of subjectivity and a revolt against the kind of religious and moral power which gave form, dur ing the Middle Ages, to this subjectivity. The need to take a direct part in spiritual life, in the work of salvation, in the truth which lies in the Book-all that was a struggle for a new subjectivity. I know what objections can be made. We can say that all types of subjection are derived phenomena, that they are merely the consequences of other economic and social processes: forces of production, class struggle, and ideological structures which determine the form of subjectivity. It is certain that the mechanisms of subjection cannot be studied outside their relation to the mechanisms of exploitation and domination. But they do not merely constitute the â€Å"terminal† of more fundamental mechanisms. They entertain complex and circular relations with other forms. The reason this kind of struggle tends to prevail in our society is due to the fact that, since the sixteenth century, a new political form of power has been continuously developing. This new political structure, as everybody knows, is the state. But most of the time, the state is envisioned as a kind of political power which ignores individuals, looking only at the interests of the totality or, I should say, of a class or a group among the citizens. That’s quite true. But I’d like to underline the fact that the state’s power (and that’s one of the reasons for its strength) is both an individualizing and a totalizing form of power. Never, I think, in the history of human societies–even in the old Chinese society-has there been such a tricky combination in the same political structures of individualization techniques and of totalization procedures. This is due to the fact that the modern Western state has integrated in a new political shape an old power technique which originated in Christian institutions. We can call this power technique the pastoral power. Critical Inquiry Summer1982 783 First of all, a few words about this pastoral power. It has often been said that Christianity brought into being a code of ethics fundamentally different from that of the ancient world. Less emphasis is usually placed on the fact that it proposed and spread new power relations throughout the ancient world. Christianity is the only religion which has organized itself as a church. And as such, it postulates in principle that certain individuals can, by their religious quality, serve others not as princes, magistrates, prophets, fortune-tellers, benefactors, educationalists, and so on but as pastors. However, this word designates a very special form of power. 1. It is a form of power whose ultimate aim is to assure individual salvation in the next world. 2. Pastoral power is not merely a form of power which commands; it must also be prepared to sacrifice itself for the life and salvation of the flock. Therefore, it is different from royal power, which demands a sacrifice from its subjects to save the throne. 3. It is a form of power which does not look after just the whole community but each individual in particular, during his entire life. 4. Finally, this form of power cannot be exercised without knowing the inside of people’s minds, without exploring their souls, without making them reveal their innermost secrets. It implies a knowledge of the conscience and an ability to direct it. This form of power is salvation oriented (as opposed to political power). It is oblative (as opposed to the principle of sovereignty); it is individualizing (as opposed to legal power); it is coextensive and continuous with life; it is linked with a production of truth-the truth of the individual himself. But all this is part of history, you will say; the pastorate has, if not disappeared, at least lost the main part of its efficiency. This is true, but I think we should distinguish between two aspects of pastoral power-between the ecclesiastical institutionalization, which has ceased or at least lost its vitality since the eighteenth century, and its function, which has spread and multiplied outside the ecclesiastical institution. An important phenomenon took place around the eighteenth century-it was a new distribution, a new organization of this kind of individualizing power. I don’t think that we should consider the â€Å"modern state† as an entity which was developed above individuals, ignoring what they are and even their very existence, but, on the contrary, as a very sophisticated structure, in which individuals can be integrated, under one condition: that this individuality would be shaped in a new form and submitted to a set of very specific patterns. In a way, we can see the state as a modern matrix of individualization or a new form of pastoral power. 784 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power A few more words about this new pastoral power. 1. We may observe a change in its objective. It was no longer a question of leading people to their salvation in the next world but rather ensuring it in this world. And in this context, the word â€Å"salvation† takes on different meanings: health, well-being (that is, sufficient wealth, standard of living), security, protection against accidents. A series of â€Å"worldly† aims took the place of the religious aims of the traditional pastorate, all the more easily because the latter, for various reasons, had followed in an accessory way a certain number of these aims; we only have to think of the role of medicine and its welfare function assured for a long time by the Catholic and Protestant churches. 2. Concurrently the officials of pastoral power increased. Sometimes this form of power was exerted by state apparatus or, in any case, by a public institution such as the police. We should not forget that in the eighteenth century the police force was not invented only for maintaining law and order, nor for assisting governments in their struggle against their enemies, but for assuring urban supplies, hygiene, health, and standards considered necessary for handicrafts and commerce. ) Sometimes the power was exercised by private ventures, welfare societies, benefactors, and generally by philanthropists. But ancient institu tions, for example the family, were also mobilized at this time to take on pastoral functions. It was also exercised by complex structures such as medicine, hich included private initiatives with the sale of services on market economy principles, but which also included public institutions such as hospitals. 3. Finally, the multiplication of the aims and agents of pastoral power focused the development of knowledge of man around two roles: one, globalizing and quantitative, concerning the population; the other, analytical, concerning the individual. And this implies that power of a pastoral type, which over centuries-for more than a millennium-had been linked to a defined religious institution, suddenly spread out into the whole social body; it found support in a multitude of institutions. And, instead of a pastoral power and a political power, more or less linked to each other, more or less rival, there was an individualizing â€Å"tactic† which characterized a series of powers: those of the family, medicine, psychiatry, education, and employers. At the end of’ the eighteenth century, Kant wrote, in a German newspaper-the Berliner Monatschrift-a short text. The title was â€Å"Was heisst Aufklairung? † It was for a long time, and it is still, considered a work of relatively small importance. But I can’t help finding it very interesting and puzzling because it was the first time a philosopher proposed as a philosophical task to investigate not only the metaphysical system or the foundations of sci- Critical Inquiry Summer1982 785 entific knowledge but a historical event-a recent, even a contemporary event. When in 1784 Kant asked, Was heisst Aufklirung? , he meant, What’s going on just now? What’s happening to us? What is this world, this period, this precise moment in which we are living? Or in other words: What are we? as Aufklidrer,as part of the Enlightenment? Compare this with the Cartesian question: Who am I? I, as a unique but universal and unhistorical subject? I, for Descartes, is everyone, anywhere at any moment? But Kant asks something else: What are we? in a very precise moment of history. Kant’s question appears as an analysis of both us and our present. I think that this aspect of philosophy took on more and more importance. Hegel, Nietzsche †¦ The other aspect of â€Å"universal philosophy† didn’t disappear. But the task of philosophy as a critical analysis of our world is something which is more and more important. Maybe the most certain of all philosophical problems is the problem of the present time and of what we are in this very moment. Maybe the target nowadays is not to discover what we are but to refuse what we are. We have to imagine and to build up what we could be to get rid of this kind of political â€Å"double bind,† which is the simultaneous individualization and totalization of modern power structures. The conclusion would be that the political, ethical, social, philosophical problem of our days is not to try to liberate the individual from the state and from the state’s institutions but to liberate us both from the state and from the type of individualization which is linked to the state. We have to promote new forms of subjectivity through the refusal of this kind of individuality which has been imposed on us for several centuries. How Is Power Exercised? For some people, asking questions about the â€Å"how† of power would limit them to describing its effects without ever relating those effects either to causes or to a basic nature. It would make this power a mysterious substance which they might hesitate to interrogate in itself, no doubt because they would prefer not to call it into question. By proceeding this way, which is never explicitly justified, they seem to suspect the presence of a kind of fatalism. But does not their very distrust indicate a presupposition that power is something which exists with three distinct qualities: its origin, its basic nature, and its manifestations? If, for the time being, I grant a certain privileged position to the question of â€Å"how,† it is not because I would wish to eliminate the ques- 786 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power tions of â€Å"what† and â€Å"why. Rather, it is that I wish to present these questions in a different way: better still, to know if it is legitimate to imagine a power which unites in itself a what, a why, and a how. To put it bluntly, I would say that to begin the analysis with a â€Å"how† is to suggest that power as such does not exist. At the very least it is to ask oneself what contents one has in mind when using this all-embracing and reifying term; it is to suspect that an ex tremely complex configuration of realities is allowed to escape when one treads endlessly in the double question: What is power? and Where does power come from? The little question, What happens? although flat and empirical, once scrutinized is seen to avoid accusing a metaphysics or an ontology of power of being fraudulent; rather, it attempts a critical investigation into the thematics of power. â€Å"How,† not in the sense oJ â€Å"How does it manifest itself? † but â€Å"By what means is it exercised? † and â€Å"Whathappens when individuals exert(as theysay) power over others? † As far as this power is concerned, it is first necessary to distinguish that which is exerted over things and gives the ability to modify, use, consume, or destroy them-a power which stems from aptitudes directly inherent in the body or relayed by external instruments. Let us say that here it is a question of â€Å"capacity. † On the other hand, what characterizes the power we are analyzing is that it brings into play relations between individuals (or between groups). For let us not deceive ourselves; if we speak of the structures or the mechanisms of power, it is only insofar as we suppose that certain persons exercise power over others. The term â€Å"power† designates relationships between partners (and by that I am not thinking of a zero-sum game but simply, and for the moment staying in the most general terms, of an ensemble of actions which induce others and follow from one another). It is necessary also to distinguish power relations from relationships of communication which transmit information by means of a language, a system of signs, or any other symbolic medium. No doubt communicating is always a certain way of acting upon another person or persons. But the production and circulation of elements of meaning can have as their objective or as their consequence certain results in the realm of power; the latter are not simply an aspect of the former. Whether or not they pass through systems of communication, power relations have a specific nature. Power relations, relationships of communication, and objective capacities should not therefore be confused. This is not to say that there is a question of three separate domains. Nor that there is on one hand the field of things, of perfected technique, work, and the transformation of the real; on the other that of signs, communication, reciprocity, and the production of meaning; and finally, that of the domination of the Critical Inquiry Summer1982 787 means of constraint, of inequality, and the action of men upon other men. It is a question of three types of relationships which in fact always overlap one another, support one another reciprocally, and use each other mutually as means to an end. The application of objective capacities in their most elementary forms implies relationships of communication (whether in the form of previously acquired information or of shared work); it is tied also to power relations (whether they consist of obligatory tasks, of gestures imposed by tradit ion or apprenticeship, of subdivisions and the more or less obligatory distribution of labor). Relationships of communication imply finalized activities (even if only the correct putting into operation of elements of meaning) and, by virtue of modifying the field of information between partners, produce effects of power. They can scarcely be dissociated from activities brought to their final term, be they those which permit the exercise of this power (such as training techniques, processes of domination, the means by which obedience is obtained) or those, which in order to develop their potential, call upon relations of power (the division of labor and the hierarchy of tasks). Of course, the coordination between these three types of relationships is neither uniform nor constant. In a given society there is no general type of equilibrium between finalized activities, systems of communication, and power relations. Rather, there are diverse forms, diverse places, diverse circumstances or occasions in which these interrelationships establish themselves according to a specific model. But there are also â€Å"blocks† in which the adjustment of abilities, the resources of communication, and power relations constitute regulated and concerted systems. Take, for example, an educational institution: the disposal of its space, the meticulous regulations which govern its internal life, the different activities which are organized there, the diverse persons who live there or meet one another, each with his own function, his well-defined character-all these things constitute a block of capacitycommunication-power. The activity which ensures apprenticeship and the acquisition of aptitudes or types of behavior is developed there by means of a whole ensemble of regulated communications (lessons, questions and answers, orders, exhortations, coded signs of obedience, differentiation marks of the â€Å"value† of each person and of the levels of knowledge) and by the means of a whole series of power processes (enclosure, surveillance, reward and punishment, the pyramidal hierarchy). These blocks, in which the putting into operation of technical capacities, the game of communications, and the relationships of power are adjusted to one another according to considered formulae, con1. When Jiirgen Habermas distinguishes between domination, communication, and finalized activity, I do not think that he sees in them three separate domains but rather three â€Å"transcendentals. † 788 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power titute what one might call, enlarging a little the sense of the word, â€Å"disciplines. † The empirical analysis of certain disciplines as they have been historically constituted presents for this very reason a certain interest. This is so because the disciplines show, first, according to artificially clear and decanted systems, the manner in which systems of objective finality and systems of communication and power can be welded together. They also display different models of articulation, sometimes giving preeminence to power relations and obedience (as in those disciplines of a monastic or penitential type), sometimes to finalize activities (as in the disciplines of workshops or hospitals), sometimes to relationships of communication (as in the disciplines of apprenticeship), sometimes also to a saturation of the three types of relationship (as perhaps in military discipline, where a plethora of signs indicates, to the point of redundancy, tightly knit power relations calculated with care to produce a certain number of technical effects). What is to be understood by the disciplining of societies in Europe since the eighteenth century is not, of course, that the individuals who are part of them become more and more obedient, nor that they set about assembling in barracks, schools, or prisons; rather, that an increasingly better invigilated process of adjustment has been sought after-more and more rational and economic-between productive activities, resources of communication, and the play of power relations. To approach the theme of power by an analysis of â€Å"how† is therefore to introduce several critical shifts in relation to the supposition of a fundamental power. It is to give oneself as the object of analysis power relations and not power itself-power relations which are distinct from objective abilities as well as from relations of communication. This is as much as saying that power relations can be grasped in the diversity of their logical sequence, their abilities, and their interrelationships. What constitutesthe specificnature of power? The exercise of power is not simply a relationship between partners, individual or collective; it is a way in which certain actions modify’others. Which is to say, of course, that something called Power, with or without a capital letter, which is assumed to exist universally in a concentrated or diffused form, does not exist. Power exists only when it is put into action, even if, of course, it is integrated into a disparate field of possibilities brought to bear upon permanent structures. This also means that power is not a function of consent. In itself it is not a renunciation of freedom, a transference of rights, the power of each and all delegated to a few (which does not prevent the possibility that consent may be a condition for the existence or the maintenance of power); the relationship of power can be the result of a prior or permanent consent, but it is not by nature the manifestation of a consensus. Critical Inquiry Summer 1982 89 Is this to say that one must seek the character proper to power relations in the violence which must have been its primitive form, its permanent secret, and its last resource, that which in the final analysis appears as its real nature when it is forced to throw aside its mask and to show itself as it really is? In effect, what defines a relationship of power is that it is a mode of action which does not act directly and immediately on others. Instead, it acts upon their actions: an action upon an action, on existing actions or on those which may arise in the present or the future. A relationship of violence acts upon a body or upon things; it forces, it bends, it breaks on the wheel, it destroys, or it closes the door on all possibilities. Its opposite pole can only be passivity, and if it comes up against any resistance, it has no other option but to try to minimize it. On the other hand, a power relationship can only be articulated on the basis of two elements which are each indispensable if it is really to be a power relationship: that â€Å"the other† (the one over whom power is exercised) be thoroughly recognized and maintained to the very end as a person who acts; and that, faced with a relationship of power, a whole field of responses, reactions, results, and possible inventions may open up. Obviously the bringing into play of power relations does not exclude the use of violence any more than it does the obtaining of consent; no doubt the exercise of power can never do without one or the other, often both at the same time. But even though consensus and violence are the instruments or the results, they do not constitute the principle or the basic nature of power. The exercise of power can produce as much acceptance as may be wished for: it can pile up the dead and shelter itself behind whatever threats it can imagine. In itself the exercise of power is not violence; nor is it a consent which, implicitly, is renewable. It is a total structure of actions brought to bear upon possible actions; it incites, it induces, it seduces, it makes easier or more difficult; in the extreme it constrains or forbids absolutely; it is nevertheless always a way of acting upon an acting subject or acting subjects by virtue of their acting or being capable of action. A set of actions upon other actions. Perhaps the equivocal nature of the term â€Å"conduct† is one of the best aids for coming to terms with the specificity of power relations. For to â€Å"conduct† is at the same time to â€Å"lead† others (according to mechanisms of coercion which are, to varying degrees, strict) and a way of behaving within a more or less open field of possibilities. * The exercise of power consists in guiding the possibility of conduct and putting in order the possible outcome. Basically power is less a confrontation between two adversaries or the linking of one to the other than a question of government. This word must be allowed the very broad meaning *Foucault is playing on the double meaning in French of the verb conduire, â€Å"to lead† or â€Å"to drive,† and se conduire, â€Å"to behave† or â€Å"to conduct oneself†; whence la conduite, â€Å"conduct† or â€Å"behavior. â€Å"-Translator’s note. 790 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power which it had in the sixteenth century. Government† did not refer only to political structures or to the management of states; rather, it designated the way in which the conduct of individuals or of groups might be directed: the government of children, of souls, of communities, of families, of the sick. It did not only cover the legitimately constituted forms of political or economic subjection but also modes of action, more or less considered or calculated, which were d estined to act upon the possibilities of action of other people. To govern, in this sense, is to structure the possible field of action of others. The relationship proper to power would not, therefore, be sought on the side of violence or of struggle, nor on that of voluntary linking (all of which can, at best, only be the instruments of power), but rather in the area of the singular mode of action, neither warlike nor juridical, which is government. When one defines the exercise of power as a mode of action upon the actions of others, when one characterizes these actions by the government of men by other men-in the broadest sense of the term-one includes an important element: freedom. Power is exercised only over free subjects, and only insofar as they are free. By this we mean individual or collective subjects who are faced with a field of possibilities in which several ways of behaving, several reactions and diverse comportments, may be realized. Where the determining factors saturate the whole, there is no relationship of power; slavery is not a power relationship when man is in chains. (In this case it is a question of a physical relationship of constraint. Consequently, there is no face-to-face confrontation of power and freedom, which are mutually exclusive (freedom disappears everywhere power is exercised), but a much more complicated interplay. In this game freedom may well appear as the condition for the exercise of power (at the same time its precondition, since freedom must exist for power to be exerted, and also its permanent support, since without the possibility of recalcitrance, power would be equivalent to a physical determination). The relationshi p between power and freedom’s refusal to submit cannot, therefore, be separated. The crucial problem of power is not that of voluntary servitude (how could we seek to be slaves? ). At the very heart of the power relationship, and constantly provoking it, are the recalcitrance of the will and the intransigence of freedom. Rather than speaking of an essential freedom, it would be better to speak of an â€Å"agonism†*–of a relationship which is at the same time reciprocal incitation and struggle, less of a face-to-face confrontation which paralyzes both sides than a permanent provocation. *Foucault’s neologism is based on the Greek ycvro-ota meaning â€Å"a combat. The term would hence imply a physical contest in which the opponents develop a strategy of reaction and of†¢ mutual taunting, as in a wrestling match. -Translator’s note. Critical Inquiry How is one to analyze the power relationship? Summer1982 791 One can analyze such relationships, or rather I should say that it is perfectly legitimate to do so, by focusing on carefully defined institutions. The latter constitute a privileged point of observation, diversified, concentrated, put in order, and carried through to the highest point of their efficacity. It is here that, as a first approximation, one might expect to see the appearance of the form and logic of their elementary mechanisms. However, the analysis of power relations as one finds them in certain circumscribed institutions presents a certain number of problems. First, the fact that an important part of the mechanisms put into operation by an institution are designed to ensure its own preservation brings with it the risk of deciphering functions which are essentially reproductive, especially in power relations between institutions. Second, in analyzing power relations from the standpoint of institutions, one lays oneself open to seeking the explanation and the origin of the former in the latter, that is to say, finally, to explain power to power. Finally, insofar as institutions act essentially by bringing into play two elements, explicit or tacit regulations and an apparatus, one risks giving to one or the other an exaggerated privilege in the relations of power and hence to see in the latter only modulations of the law and of coercion. This does not deny the importance of institutions on the establishment of power relations. Instead, I wish to suggest that one must analyze institutions from the standpoint of power relations, rather than vice versa, and that the fundamental point of anchorage of the relationships, even if they are embodied and crystallized in an institution, is to be found outside the institution. Let us come back to the definition of the exercise of power as a way in which certain actions may structure the field of other possible actions. What, therefore, would be proper to a relationship of power is that it be a mode of action upon actions. That is to say, power relations are rooted deep in the social nexus, not reconstituted â€Å"above† society as a supplementary structure whose radical effacement one could perhaps dream of. In any case, to live in society is to live in such a way that action upon other actions is possible-and in fact ongoing. A society without power relations can only be an abstraction. Which, be it said in passing, makes all the more olitically necessary the analysis of power relations in a given society, their historical formation, the source of their strength or fragility, the conditions which are necessary to transform some or to abolish others. For to say that there cannot be a society without power relations is not to say either that those which are established are necessary or, in any case, that power constitutes a fatality at the heart of societies, such that it cannot be undermined . Instead, I would say that the analysis, elaboration, and bringing into question of power relations 792 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power nd the â€Å"agonism† between power relations and the intransitivity of freedom is a permanent political task inherent in all social existence. The analysis of power relations demands that a certain number of points be established concretely: 1. The system of differentiationswhich permits one to act upon the actions of others: differentiations determined by the law or by traditions of status and privilege; economic differences in the appropriation of riches and goods, shifts in the processes of production, linguistic or cultural differences, differences in know-how and competence, and so forth. Every relationship of power puts into operation differentiations which are at the same time its conditions and its results. 2. The typesof objectivespursued by those who act upon the actions of others: the maintenance of privileges, the accumulation of profits, the bringing into operation of statutary authority, the exercise of a function or of a trade. 3. The means of bringing power relations into being: according to whether power is exercised by the threat of arms, by the effects of the word, by means of economic disparities, by more or less complex means of control, by systems of surveillance, with or without archives, according to rules which are or are not explicit, fixed or modifiable, with or without the technological means to put all these things into action. 4. Forms of institutionalization: these may mix traditional redispositions, legal structures, phenomena relating to custom or to fashion (such as one sees in the institution of the family); they can also take the form of an apparatus closed in upon itself, with its specific loci, its own regulations, its hierarchical structures which are carefully defined, a relative autonomy in its functioning (such as scholastic or military institutions); they can also form very complex systems endowed with multiple apparatuses, as in the case of the state, whose function is the taking o f everything under its wing, the bringing into being of general surveillance, the principle of regulation, and, to a certain extent also, the distribution of all power relations in a given social ensemble. 5. The degrees of rationalization: the bringing into play of power relations as action in a field of possibilities may be more or less elaborate in relation to the effectiveness of the instruments and the certainty of the results (greater or lesser technological refinements employed in the exercise of power) or again in proportion to the possible cost (be it the economic cost of the means brought into operation or the cost in terms of reaction constituted by the resistance which is encountered). The exercise of power is not a naked fact, an institutional right, nor is it a structure which holds out or is smashed: it is elaborated, transformed, organized; it endows itself with processes which are more or less adjusted to the situation. One sees why the analysis of power relations within a society cannot be reduced to the study of a series of institutions, not even to the study of Critical Inquiry Summer1982 793 all those institutions which would merit the name â€Å"political. † Power relations are rooted in the system of social networks. This is not to say, however, that there is a primary and fundamental principle of power which dominates society down to the smallest detail; but, taking as point of departure the possibility of action upon the action of others (which is coextensive with every social relationship), multiple forms of individual isparity, of objectives, of the given application of power over ourselves or others, of, in varying degrees, partial or univers al institutionalization, of more or less deliberate organization, one can define different forms of power. The forms and the specific situations of the government of men by one another in a given society are multiple; they are superimposed, they cross, impose their own limits, sometimes cancel one another out, sometimes reinforce one another. It is certain that in contemporary societies the state is not simply one of the forms or specific situations of the exercise of power–even if it is the most important-but that in a certain way all other forms of power relation must refer to it. But this is not because they are derived from it; it is rather because power relations have come more and more under state control (although this state control has not taken the same form in pedagogical, judicial, economic, or family systems). In referring here to the restricted sense of the word â€Å"government,† one could say that power relations have been progressively governmentalized, that is to say, elaborated, rationalized, and centralized in the form of, or under the auspices of, state institutions. Relations of power and relations of strategy. The word â€Å"strategy† is currently employed in three ways. First, to designate the means employed to attain a certain end; it is a question of rationality functioning to arrive at an objective. Second, to designate the manner in which a partner in a certain game acts with regard to what he thinks should be the action of the others and what he considers the others think to be his own; it is the way in which one seeks to have the advantage over others. Third, to designate the procedures used in a situation of confrontation to deprive the opponent of his means of combat and to reduce him to giving up the struggle; it is a question, therefore, of the means destined to obtain victory. These three meanings come together in situations of confrontation-war or games-where the objective is to act upon an adversary in such a manner as to render the struggle impossible for him. So strategy is defined by the choice of winning solutions. But it must be borne in mind that this is a very special type of situation and that there are others in which the distinctions between the different senses of the word â€Å"strategy† must be maintained. Referring to the first sense I have indicated, one may call power strategy the totality of the means put into operation to implement power effectively or to maintain it. One may also speak of a strategy proper to 794 Michel Foucault The Subjectand Power power relations insofar as they constitute modes of action upon possible action, the action of others. One can therefore interpret the mechanisms brought into play in power relations in terms of strategies. But most important is obviously the relationship between power relations and confrontation strategies. For, if it is true that at the heart of power relations and as a permanent condition of their existence there is an insubordination and a certain essential obstinacy on the part of the principles of freedom, then there is no relationship of power without the means of escape or possible flight. Every power relationship implies, at least in potentia, a strategy of struggle, in which the two forces are not superimposed, do not lose their specific nature, or do not finally become confused. Each constitutes for the other a kind of permanent limit, a point of possible reversal. A relationship of confrontation reaches its term, its final moment (and the victory of one of the two adversaries), when stable mechanisms replace the free play of antagonistic reactions. Through such mechanisms one can direct, in a fairly constant manner and with reasonable certainty, the conduct of others. For a relationship of confrontation, from the moment it is not a struggle to the death, the fixing of a power relationship becomes a target-at one and the same time its fulfillment and its suspension. And in return, the strategy of struggle also constitutes a frontier for the relationship of power, the line at which, instead of manipulating and inducing actions in a calculated manner, one must be content with reacting to them after the event. It would not be possible for power relations to exist without points of insubordination which, by definition, are means of escape. Accordingly, every intensification, every extension of power relations to make the insubordinate submit can only result in the limits of power. The latter reaches its final term either in a type of action which reduces the other to total impotence (in which case victory over the adversary replaces the exercise of power) or by a confrontation with those whom one governs and their transformation into adversaries. Which is to say that every strategy of confrontation dreams of becoming a relationship of power, and every relationship of power leans toward the idea that, if it follows its own line of development and comes up against direct confrontation, it may become the winning strategy. In effect, between a relationship of power and a strategy of struggle there is a reciprocal appeal, a perpetual linking and a perpetual reversal. At every moment the relationship of power may become a confrontation between two adversaries. Equally, the relationship between adversaries in society may, at every moment, give place to the putting into operation of mechanisms of power. The consequence of this instability is the ability to decipher the same events and the same transformations either from inside the history of struggle or from the standpoint of the power relationships. The interpretations which result will not consist of the same elements of meaning or the same links or the same types of intelligibility, Critical Inquiry Summer 1982 795 lthough they refer to the same historical fabric, and each of the two analyses must have reference to the other. In fact, it is precisely the disparities between the two readings which make visible those fundamental phenomena of â€Å"domin ation† which are present in a large number of human societies. Domination is in fact a general structure of power whose ramifications and consequences can sometimes be found descending to the most recalcitrant fibers of society. But at the same time it is a strategic situation more or less taken for granted and consolidated by means of a long-term confrontation between adversaries. It can certainly happen that the fact of domination may only be the transcription of a mechanism of power esulting from confrontation and its consequences (a political structure stemming from invasion); it may also be that a relationship of struggle between two adversaries is the result of power relations with the conflicts and cleavages which ensue. But what makes the domination of a group, a caste, or a class, together with the resistance and revolts which that domination comes up against, a central phenomenon in the history of societies is that they manifest in a massive and universalizing form, at the level of the whole social body, the locking together of power r elations with relations of strategy and the results proceeding from their interaction. How to cite Foucault Power, Papers

Life of Fidel Castro free essay sample

The Life of Fidel Castro Fidel Castro, is the well-known dictatorial leader of Cuba for nearly five decades. His leadership has been the focus of international controversy. How is it that a man of this privileged upbringing, became the leader of a socialist revolution in Cuba, brought the world to the brink of destruction, and ultimately became one of the most famous political leaders in the history of Latin America. He was born on a farm in Biran, Cuba near mayan on August 13, 1926.He received a Jesuit education while attending a boarding school in Havana by the name Colegio de Belen. When he finished high school, he attended the University of Havana. In 1950 he graduated from the university with a degree in law. â€Å"A man is not entirely the master of his own destiny. A man is also the child of circumstances, of difficulties, of struggle. Problems gradually sculpt him like a lathe sculpts a piece of metal. We will write a custom essay sample on Life of Fidel Castro or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page A man Is not born a revolutionary, I’d venture to say. † (Castro, and Ramonet 23)In 1952 Fidel Castro became a candidate for Congress for the Cuban Peoples Party. He was a superb public speaker and soon built up a strong following amongst the young members of the party. The Cuban Peoples Party was expected to win the election but during the campaign. General Fulgencio Batista, with the support of the armed forces, took control of the country. Castro came to the conclusion that revolution was the only way that the Cuban Peoples Party would gain power. In 1953, Castro, with an armed group of 123 men and women, attacked the Moncada Army Barracks.The plan to overthrow Batista ended in disaster and although only eight were killed in the fighting, another eighty were murdered by the army after they were captured. Castro was lucky that the lieutenant who arrested him ignored orders to have him executed and instead delivered him to the nearest civilian prison. In 1959 Cuba becomes the first Communist state in the western hemisphere after Fidel Castro, a 32-year-old lawyer, leads his rebels, known as the 26 July army, to victory on the streets of Havana, overthrowing the regime of US-backed dictator Fulgencio Batista.Castro appoints Ernesto Che Guevara to his government. Attempting to spread the revolution in South America, Guevara is captured in a firefight in the jungle with Bolivian government troops and executed two days later. He had disappeared from the Cuban political scene in 1965 amid growing rumors that he had become disillusi oned by Castros drift towards less radical politics. During 1979 Cuba supports the Soviet Unions invasion of Afghanistan. Later, Cuba controversially sends military assistance to influence civil wars in Angola and Ethiopia.Anglo-Cuban relations almost reach breaking point after a Cuban diplomat fires a gun in a crowded London street in 1988. Havana claimed that its attack was being followed by CIA agents plotting to force him to defect. The Thatcher government condemned the behavior of the Cuban diplomat and added that a man was wounded he was a member of the British security services and not the CIA. The US tightens its longstanding embargo on Cuba during 1992, extending restrictions on travel and trade with the Cuban Democracy Act.Fearing a collapse, Castro slowly begins to deregulate Cubas economy, moving to allow limited individual private enterprise A boat rescue of a Cuban child, Elian Gonzalez, sparks a diplomatic row with the US. The six-year-old boy was picked up off the Florida coast after he and his mother attempted to flee Cuba. After a protracted court battle, he was sent back to Cuba to live with his father, despite a high-profile campaign by wealthy US-based Cubans for him to remain.On July 31, 2006, Castro delegated his duties as President of the Council of state, President of the Council of Ministers, First Secretary of the Cuban Communist Party and the post of commander in chief of the armed forces to his brother Raul Castro. This transfer of duties was described at the time as temporary while Fidel recovered from surgery he underwent due to an acute intestinal crisis with sustained bleeding. Fidel Castro was too ill to attend the nationwide celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Granma boat landing on December 2, 2006, which also became his belated 80th birthday celebrations.Castros non-appearance fueled reports that he had terminal pancreatic cancer and was refusing treatment, but on December 17, 2006 Cuban officials stated that Castro had no terminal illness and would eventually return to his public duties. Castro, who has not appeared in public since undergoing stomach surgery, said he would not seek a new term as president or leader of Cubas armed forces. He has retired and given the power to his younger brother Raul. â€Å"Fidel has outlasted seven U. S. presidents and five Soviet leaders. He has been in power longer than any world figure except King Hussein of Jordan. † (Bourne 305)

Newspaper Headline Comparison an Example by

Newspaper Headline Comparison by Expert Prof Nelly | 07 Dec 2016 There are two articles retrieved via internet about Iran's rocket launching and a space center opening. One of the articles was retrieved from an international source, and the other one is from a source based in the United States. The article from the international source is clear, short, and simple, while the source from the U.S. is elaborative. While this will make the reader more informed, it might confuse or mislead him as well. Need essay sample on "Newspaper Headline Comparison" topic? We will write a custom essay sample specifically for you Proceed The article entitled Iran Unveils Space Center, Launches Rocket is from MSNBC, a U.S.-based online newspaper. The title seems quite confusing for the readers. The words appear unorganized. The subtitle (Many fear program may be cover to more fully develop military missiles) also implies a negative notion about the topic. Plus, the content is too detailed and hard to understand. On the other hand, the article entitled Iran Inaugurate Space Project is from BBC, an international online newspaper. The title is more precise in such a way that the reader can easily get the message of the article at first glance. Also, the subtitle (Iran has launched a research rocket to inaugurate a newly built space centre) briefly states what the event is about. In addition, other short but complete supporting details are provided in the body of the article. Having a catchy headline is important as it stimulates the interest of readers to take time and read the article. In the case of the first article, the title used is quite misleading but this can also serve as a technique that can keep the reader glued to the article. Most of the subtopics also provided the readers substantial information. Although this can be a good strategy, it may bore the reader. On the other hand, the title of the second article is concise and straight to the point. While it is not mind boggling, this can be a good strategy. This is because nowadays, readers dont have much time to waste. They need the facts spelled out for them. References Dareini, A. A. (2008, February 4). Iran unveils space center, launches rocket. MSNBC. Retrieved February 5, 2008 from http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/22995937 Iranians inaugurate space project. (2008, February 4). BBC News. Retrieved February 5, 2008 from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7225699.stm

Essay about Timeline 1750

Essay about Timeline 1750 Essay about Timeline 1750 Timeline 1750-1914 Toussaint Louverture (May 20, 1743- April 7, 1803) -The leader of the Haitian Revolution Reign of King Louis XVI (Aug. 23 1754- Jan. 1793 -King of France that was executed in the French Revolution James Watt perfects steam engine (1765) -He discovered that steam could be harnessed and used to work. American Revolution (April 19, 1775- Sept. 3, 1783) - Colonists of the thirteen colonies overthrew the British congress and created the united states of america Simon Bolivar (July 24, 1783- Dec. 17, 1803) -Venezuelan statesman and military leader French Revolution (1789-1799) -French citizens redesigned their country’s political landscape Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) -The largest and most successful slave rebellion in the western hemisphere Cotton Gin Developed (1793) -The modern mechanical cotton gin was invented in the United States in 1793 by Eli Whitney Reign of Napoleon (April 20, 1808- Jan. 9, 1873 -French military leader and emperor who conquered much of Europe in the early 19th century Wars of Independence in Latin America (1808-1826) -revolutions that took place during the late 18th and early 19th centuries and resulted in the creation of a number of independent countries in Latin America. Spinning Mule Developed (1813) -The spinning mule produced a very fine and even thread which was suitable to spin yarns for making muslin. Congress of Vienna (Sept. 1814) -A congress is a formal meeting of the representatives of different nations, constituent states, independent organizations, or groups Opium War (1839-1842) -wars between China and Western countries Unification of Italy (1848-1870) -The movement to unite Italy into one cultural and political entity Taiping Rebellion (Dec. 1850) -one of the bloodiest civil wars in history between the Qing Dynasty and the Chinese 'Christian' rebels Crimean War (1853-1856) -a conflict in which Russia lost to an alliance of France, Britain, the Ottoman Empire, and Sardinia Bessemer Process Developed (1856) -first inexpensive industrial process for the mass-production of steel from molten pig iron prior to the open hearth furnace Sepoy Rebellion (1857-1858) -The British commanders were forcing Indian soldiers to use their mouth on the cartridges which were greased with cow and pig fat; This was against religious beliefs and led to an uprising by the Sepoys Origin of the Species Published (Nov. 24, 1859) -a book written by Charles Darwin about evolution Emancipation of Russian Serfs (1864) -the first and most important of liberal reforms effected during the reign of Emperor Alexander II of Russia Meiji Restoration (1868-1912) -the political revolution that brought about the fall of the Tokugawa shogunate and returned

12 Angry Men Essay Example For Students

12 Angry Men Essay A persons surroundings can influence him. In 12 Angry Men by Reginald Rose a young mans life is held by twelve men with contrasing views. Eight a caring man, who wishes to talk about why the other jurors think that the boy is guilty, clashes with Three, a sadistic man who would pull the swith himselfto end the boys life. Accroding to Rose, several elements can infulence a jurys verdict, such as the emotional make-up of individual jurors. Many elements can change a jurors decision. Juror Three, who is convincd that the boy is guilty, is allied with Four who is eventually convicedEights showing of how the two testimonies given by the old woman and old man are lies, votes guilty. Three outraged by this exclames A guilty mans gonna be walking the streets hes got to die! Stay with me. (23) But Four sees the truth that Eight has brought into th light and still votes guilty. Eight tries to convince Three how the boy is not guilty beyond reasonable doubt but Three does not listen adn would rather see the boy die. For this kid, you bet Id pull the switch.(17) This shows how emotionally unstable Three is. He is a grown man living in a civilized community and would like to see a boy who he does not even know die by his own hands Eight does not think highly of Three for what he says about killing the boy and shouts your a sadist.(17) which is the absolute truth about Three. The emotional make-up of a juror can change his desicision on wther or not to let a man live or die. When someone is asked judge someone else, shoud not you look at al the facts to be sure beyond a shoadow of a doubt that the man who cimmitted the crime is guilty? Yes, a juror should look at all the facts but some do not, they just judge the person on how that person feels. Category: English .

Shall I compare thee to a summer's day Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Shall I compare thee to a summer's day - Essay Example The association of the idea of youth can be seen as a period of regeneration, whereby such beauty is much livelier and more colorful than the summer's days. Summer is described as the "eye of heaven5" with its "gold complexion"; the imagery of the summer is simple and vivid. The language is rather plain, and Shakespeare has chosen not to apply too many literacy devices. Alliterations, repetition, etc. would restrict his use of different words and so create boundaries. By avoiding such linguistic devices, Shakespeare is able to express his beloved's beauty openly and more eloquently. His chosen mellow words combine to produce the full impact of the regular rhyme scheme- (day/Maie), (shines/ declines6). This emits a powerful sense of unrestrained behavior, such as "rough windes", which contrast with the images of summer. When Shakespeare describes the powerful image of "Rough windes" and how they "shake the darling buds of May", he is utilizing in the first stanza, powerful metaphorical devices in order to show a change. He implies that his beloved does not suffer from these winds as summer does. Therefore, the beloved's comparison to summer and winter is expanded more pleasingly and lyrically. The final couplets which conclude the sonnet, bring everythi... His chosen mellow words combine to produce the full impact of the regular rhyme scheme- (day/Maie), (shines/ declines6). This emits a powerful sense of unrestrained behavior, such as "rough windes", which contrast with the images of summer. When Shakespeare describes the powerful image of "Rough windes" and how they "shake the darling buds of May", he is utilizing in the first stanza, powerful metaphorical devices in order to show a change. He implies that his beloved does not suffer from these winds as summer does. Therefore, the beloved's comparison to summer and winter is expanded more pleasingly and lyrically. The theme of youth is carried forward through the third quatrain, expanding the concept that youth will possess eternal beauty and perfection, and shall never "fade7". Shakespeare creates this illusory idea, telling the beloved that beauty shall never be erased; he uses summer as a metaphor for her beauty. "So long as men can breath or eyes can see, So long lives this and this give life to thee" The final couplets which conclude the sonnet, bring everything together, reinforcing the idea of love and poetry in a positive and rich tone. His last comparison is full of pride and positive reinforcement - a belief that his poem and his beloved will last "so long as men can breathe or eyes can see", unlike the summer days. The final couplets provide a new, yet connected concept; differing from those earlier comparisons and concluding and claiming that his beloved has been immortalized through the sonnet. Missing Dates (1940) William Empson Slowly the poison the whole blood stream fills. It is not the effort nor the

Business Research Methods Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Business Research Methods - Essay Example The results obtained showed that both held very different views. One of the limitations of the study was poor response from the General Managers in the hotels. More research on the views of general managers should be conducted. The main of the industry and educators is to tackle and minimize the gap between managers and students. Introduction Among the fastest growing New Zealand industries is the hospitality industry. Between 2008 and 2015, the ministry of tourism expects the number of visitors to increase by 18.6% in spite of the general drop in the economy of the whole world. This in turn will lead to increased expenditure in the tourist sector that is expected to rise by 4% within the same period. In 2008, the total expenditure $14 billion, is expected to increase up to $18 billion by 2015. Based on the above data, the New Zealand tourist industry is doing well. More qualified and knowledgeable hospitality employees are needed to serve the large numbers of visitors in the country (Brien 2004, p. 10). O’Mahony and Sillitoe (2001, p. 264) argues that the hospitality industry does not put much emphasis on the qualifications in the sector when recruiting new employees. The industry values experienced employees who lack educational qualifications than educated people who have degrees in the industry. Graduates are disadvantaged when it comes to job competition with experienced people. James and Holden (2000, p. 265), assert that the hospitality industry is against the general expectation that pursuing a degree in a specific field is an added advantage to graduates because it is easy for them to secure themselves good places. Employing people based on qualification is a disadvantage to graduates most of who lack experience (Li & Leung 2001, p.190). Research Question When recruiting employees, the industry should not base on an individual's qualifications because this alone may not offer good results. Other factors like job experience, gender and age also affect career prospects. The aim of this paper is to determine how degrees affect the ability of graduates to secure good positions in employment that can earn them good salaries as well as the qualities that hospitality employees should have. Data collected from students and hotel managers on issues related advantages of degrees is used to analyze and evaluate the value of management degree in hospitality. Auckland University of Technology (AUT) students’ holding a degree in the Bachelor of International Hospitality Management and managers from six different hotels in New Zealand were used to carry out the study. Literature Review The author of this article reviewed a good number of resources to get information related to the topic. Brien (2004, p. 15) and Harkison (2004a, p. 22), argue that graduates expectation of getting to senior management positions immediately after graduating is not met. Students expect to replace hotel managers who are usually at their thirties and fortes and therefore abou t to retire. New Zealand’s hospitality industry is mainly composed of young people such that those who go on after the age of twenty are likely to attain higher positions than their young counterparts are. In the study conducted in Auckland, out of five hundred and thirty four employees, most of the managers were between the ages of 30 and 39 whereas supervisors and staff aged between 20 and 24. Most of the seniors were above the age of 25 years with an experience of more than five years and had educational qualification (Poulston 2006, p.25). Studies conducted to determine the qualifications that a manager should have vary greatly. People have

Greek Mythology Essay Example for Free

Greek Mythology Essay The Greeks believed that the earth was formed before any of the gods appeared. The gods, as the Greeks knew them, all originated with Father Heaven, and Mother Earth. Father Heaven was known as Uranus, and Mother Earth, as Gaea. Uranus and Gaea raised many children. Among them were the Cyclopes, the Titans, and the Hecatoncheires, or the Hundred- Handed Ones. Uranus let the Titans roam free, but he imprisoned the Cyclopes and the Hundred- handed Ones beneath the earth. Finally, Gaea could not bear  Uranuss unkindness to the Cyclopes and the Hundred-Handed Ones any longer. Gaea joined Cronos, one of the Titans; and together, they overcame Uranus, killed him, and threw his body into the sea. Aphrodite, goddess of love and beauty, later rose from the sea where Uranuss body had been thrown. Now Cronus became king of the universe. Cronos married his sister, Rhea, and they had six children. At the time of Cronoss marriage to Rhea, Gaea prophesied that one of his children would overthrow. Cronos, as he had overthrown Uranus. To protect himself, Cronos swallowed each of his first five children Hestia, Demeter, Hera, Hades, and Poseidon immediately after birth. After the birth of her sixth and last child, Rhea tricked Cronos into swallowing a rock and then hid the child Zeus on earth. Zeus grew up on earth and was brought back to Mount Olympus as a cupbearer to his unsuspecting father. Rhea and Zeus connived against Cronos by mixing a noxious drink for him. Thinking it was wine, Cronos drank the  mixture and promptly regulated his five other children, fully grown. Then Zeus and his brothers waged a mighty battle against Cronos and the other Titans. Cronos and the Titans were defeated when Zeus ambushed them with the help of the Cyclopes and the Hundred-Headed Ones, and they panicked and retreated. Cronos and the Titans were imprisioned in the Earth where their fighting still causes earthquakes from time to time. Zeus and his brothers and sisters went to live on Mount Olympus, where they ruled over the earth.

The Study of Myopia and Photorefractive Keratectomy :: Eyes Vision Health Essays

The Study of Myopia and Photorefractive Keratectomy Myopia is defined as nearsightedness, which exists when the refractive elements of the eye (cornea and lens) place the image in front of the retina. The myopic condition is common in infants but generally levels off to normal vision as the infant ages (Vander & Gault, 1998). Myopia occurs in about 25% of the adult U.S. population. Many adults use corrective lenses or contacts to correct their myopic vision to 20/20 vision (Drexler et al., 1998). Many people find contacts or glasses hindering in their personal and/or professional lifestyle. For example, military pilots cannot wear glasses while flying and some firemen may find glasses too dangerous to wear during a rescue attempt. There is refractive surgery available to correct myopic eyes, like Photorefractive Keratectomy (PRK). Why do people have myopia, what can be done to correct myopia, and what are the results of corrective surgical procedures? These are a few questions that will be addressed and analyzed. For an eye to focus correctly on an object, it must be placed in a certain position in front of the eye. The primary focal point is the point along the optical axis where an object can be placed for parallel rays to come from the lens. The secondary focal point is the point along the optical axis where in coming parallel rays are brought into focus. The primary focal point has the object's image at infinity, where as the secondary focal point has the object at infinity. For people who have myopic eyes, the secondary focal point is anterior to the retina in the vitreous. Thus, the object must be moved forward from infinity, in order to be focused on the retina. The far point is determined by the object's distance where light rays focus on the retina while the eye is not accommodating. The far point in the myopic eye is between the cornea and infinity. The near point is determined by which an object will be in focus on the retina when the eye is accommodating. Thus, moving an object cl oser will cause the perception of the object to blur. The measurement of these refractive errors are in standard units called diopters (D). A diopter is the reciprocal of a distance of the far point in meters (Vander & Gault, 1998). The myopic condition manipulates these variables in order to ultimately make a nearsighted individual.

Management of Bipolar (Manic Depression)

Forgotten Kids are children that have disabilities that are barely visible. They have their arms and legs, can see and hear, run, play, etc. , but most have never been invited to a birthday party or to a sleep over. They are the last to be chosen to play and the first to be blamed. Their illnesses aren†t fatal, but a small part of their hearts and souls die with every rejection. Their behaviors seem odd or unpredictable to themselves as much as to society. They are misunderstood and overlooked, thus the name â€Å"Forgotten Kids. Maybe I can bring understanding by showing and providing insight into the life of a child struck with mental illness and hopefully people will realize that my child is just as special as the next. An estimated 7,000,000 children in Missouri that suffers from these â€Å"invisible disabilities. † Mental illness not only affects the life of the child but the whole community. I live with this fact every day because my son suffers from Bipolar, better known as Manic Depression. Bipolar children long to be free of the strange feelings of sadness or euphoria and the voices that torment them. They wish for a good nights sleep and hope for a day when they can put their words on paper. They dream of friends who don†t abandon them when their moods change; and look for a miracle in the eyes of doctors who don†t always believe that bipolar can happen to a child. Until society becomes more aware and accepting of these illnesses, our future children with these disabilities stand no chance. My son,was diagnosed at age nine after his third stay in a child†s psychiatric unit. He was admitted following a period of behaviors I could not understand nor control. I remember him being â€Å"different† (I now know he was Manic) as far back as three years old, leaving me with raging emotions of guilt, shame, loss and grief. By age nine, he had begun lying, stealing, destroying property, setting fires, and hurting himself (these are called rages. ) He had no friends at school, though he would say that wasn†t true. He was filled with an anger I could not comprehend. Most people who knew us said it was my fault as a parent that if I would just â€Å"control† him, he would be fine. Not only was my son stigmatized but so was I. Not until we located the right doctor and started the proper medications that he needed was he â€Å"fine. † Through the years as the medication began working its wonders a new child began to emerge. He laughs, he plays, but most of all he talks about what he feels. He would say that we cannot conceive his isolation, and the depth of it at times. He would apologize for the fact that he couldn†t offer me better understanding. I realized then that what he gives is so much more valuable. He gives me an opportunity to discover the depth of my character, my love, my commitment, my patience, my ability to cope, and the opportunity to explore my spirit more deeply than I ever imagined. I told him that because of him, I am driven to go further than I would have ever gone on my own, working harder, seeking answers to the many questions that seemed to have no answers. He describes a world that seems to pass him by. How he longs to run and play like other children. How sometimes it is a challenge just to crawl from his bed in the morning. Hearing this it becomes obvious how much â€Å"normal† people take for granted and how we forget how precious life is. We†re not burdened with the strifes and conflicts of a much more complicated life. I only wish he could enjoy the freedom of just being a child. He cries from the loneliness that tears his world apart wondering if he is bad or evil and why he isn†t like everyone else. I can†t answer, except to say there is a reason we just don†t understand it. His ability to live through the nightmare of his life is amazing. It†s not easy raising a child with a mental illness but what is even harder is not being accepted by your community because of ignorance and fear. To let a physical, neurological, biochemical or mental handicap stand in the way of these children†s future would be a major tragedy.

The Impact of genetic fingerprinting and gene profiling in Forensic Science

Gene profiling and genetic fingerprinting was unheard of in Forensic Science 20 years ago. DNA testing was initially introduced in the 1980s and the first court case, which saw a man put behind bars due to the forensic evidence was in 1985. Following the success of the use of physical proof, numerous cases around the world from paternity tests to identification of American soldiers from the Vietnam War have been solved. A person's DNA (de-oxyribonucleic acid) can be found from a single strand of hair, skin under a murder victim's nails or bodily fluids such as sweat, saliva, semen and blood. The chances of a sample of DNA being the same as another person, other than monozygotic twins is 1 in 24 million. This is why recent cases such as that of Sarah Payne rely so much on DNA samples found at the crime scene. In this case a single strand of Sarah's hair was found on Roy Whitting's sweatshirt and matching fibres from his sweatshirt were found on her shoe, although there was slight controversy as to whether the evidence was contaminated. The method for extracting the DNA from a sample is a complex one. The technique was first developed in this country in 1985, the year of the first proven case. Firstly the DNA must be extracted from the sample of body tissue or fluid. This could be a very small amount in a criminal investigation where the offender could've taken every precaution to avoid being caught. A process called Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) then multiplies the sample and produces millions of identical strands of DNA. PCR is completed by a â€Å"repetitious, cyclic programme of heating and cooling the substance together with a heat resistant DNA polymerase and two specific DNA primers. The polymerase and primers reproduce a small region of a genome, the whole of the DNA of the organism.† – quoted from DNA in Forensic Science by J. Robertson, A.M. Ross and L.A. Burgoyne. Forensic scientists use PCR to produce plenty of DNA to carry out all the necessary experiments to obtain a conclusive result. The DNA is then broken up, using enzymes, into standard fragments. The enzymes used cut the DNA at precise sequences of A C G and T in the DNA. A few fragments are then chosen and separated by size on a gel. The gel is then exposed to radioactive samples of the DNA. This produces different sized bands and the bands that have the same sequence of DNA are prominent. Generally the DNA evidence found at the scene is tested and the suspect may have a blood test or a saliva sample from the inside of the cheek, which will also be tested. The two samples will be tested and compared several times. If the two samples have 5 bands or more that match the result is considered as decisive. In 1992, after many years of arguments for and against the gene profiling, the National Research Agency accepted the method as a reliable one to help identify criminal suspects and shortly after the procedure entered the mainstream court system. Genetic fingerprinting is now so common it's difficult to avoid in everyday society. The accuracy of gene profiling is very good. The chance of two people sharing one band of DNA is approximately 1 in 30. This may not seem like there is much chance of identifying a person, as there is a fairly high possibility of it being a number of people. However, the National Research Agency has a policy stating that at least 5 bands have to match for the test to be considered as positive. This means that the probability goes from 1 in 30 to 1 in 30 x 30 x 30 x 30 x 30, which is equal to 1 in 24 million providing the two samples aren't from blood relatives. This is why genetic fingerprinting is considered as firm proof in a court of justice. Overall, the chance of getting a DNA test wrong is slim, providing the tests are carried out properly. However, just because someone's DNA is found at a crime scene doesn't prove that the suspect is guilty. There are many other areas of law that need to be investigated before a verdict can be decided. Some offences that are committed rely almost solely on forensic evidence such as that of rape. If semen is discovered and recognized as that of the suspect then that is nearly a conclusive result. The suspect may claim that the other party consented to sexual intercourse, but would find it difficult to deny that intercourse took place. Nevertheless, forensic evidence does have its problems. Firstly the tests have to be carried out in fully sterile conditions to ensure that the DNA isn't distorted in any way. It is crucial that the sample before PCR takes place is not contaminated as PCR will produce several thousands of exact clones and all the forthcoming tests could be inaccurate. Also, over time mutation of a sample takes place, gradually decreasing the likelihood of identifying a suspect perfectly. There have been experiments carried out to test how quickly mutation takes place. Scientists have found that, with blood and semen stains kept at room temperature for more than four years, it was almost impossible to identify any reliable DNA information due to mutation. In some cases, such as rape, the evidence can disappear within a matter of hours. When testing for semen in a rape case, the DNA should be found within 20 hours of the crime. Following the first 20 hours, the probability of obtaining an accurate identification decreases hour by hour. Conclusion With the slim chance of 2 people's DNA making a full match, gene profiling is a definite way of proving whether a person was at a crime scene or not. Whether they actually committed the crime is a different matter. Providing all tests are carried out well and the DNA is extracted properly and without contamination then the results should be extremely accurate. On the whole, gene profiling has taken forensic science that stage further and it has developed to being a crucial part in identifying criminals all over the world. There remain ethical difficulties which have yet to be resolved, for example, the establishment of a DNA database, human rights and civil liberties, the use of DNA information in unrelated legal cases, etc, but these issues will be addressed in due course.

3 Types of Capitalization Errors in Styling Quotations

3 Types of Capitalization Errors in Styling Quotations 3 Types of Capitalization Errors in Styling Quotations 3 Types of Capitalization Errors in Styling Quotations By Mark Nichol Confusion sometimes ensues when writers are deciding whether a quotation merits capitalization. Here are three ways capitalization errors can result. 1. As someone once told me, â€Å"successful companies have multiple founding moments.† Occasionally, a writer will not capitalize the first word of a complete quoted statement preceded by an attribution, perhaps because of the assumption that the quotation, as part of a larger sentence, is not grammatically complete. However, despite the preceding attribution, the quotation is a complete sentence: â€Å"As someone once told me, ‘Successful companies have multiple founding moments.’† 2. The company released a support document addressing this issue and suggested that, â€Å"Moving the camera slightly to change the position at which the bright light is entering the lens should minimize or eliminate the effect.† The original quotation, as a stand-alone statement, is a complete sentence and should therefore be capitalized. But when it is incorporated grammatically into a larger sentence, it loses its self-sufficiency, and moving is not capitalized (and the comma preceding it is an error): â€Å"The company released a support document addressing this issue and suggested that ‘moving the camera slightly to change the position at which the bright light is entering the lens should minimize or eliminate the effect.’† 3. When you say there’s a special place in hell if you don’t support women, Smith says, â€Å"Is it only powerful women?† In this case, the question â€Å"Is it only powerful women?† is being combined with a paraphrase to form a new, more extensive question, though the two clauses are separated by an attribution. But because â€Å"is it only powerful women?† has been demoted from a sentence to a clause, the first word of that word string is not capitalized: â€Å"When you say there’s a special place in hell if you don’t support women, Smith says, ‘is it only powerful women?’† Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Punctuation category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:35 Synonyms for â€Å"Look†45 Synonyms for â€Å"Old† and â€Å"Old-Fashioned†Advance vs. Advanced

Juvenile Justice Policy Paper Research Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Juvenile Justice Policy - Research Paper Example The juvenile system deals with youth who have broken the law and are at risk of turning into a problematic issue for the justice system in the future. Unlike the established judicial system that has been designed to punish and rehabilitate wrongdoers within the society, the juvenile system mainly focuses on the aspect of rehabilitation rather than punishment for the mistakes of those who have been committed to the system (Barbaree & Marshall, 2008). The idea behind this is that those who are still in the youthful stages of their lives have a higher chance of correcting their ways and becoming assets to their communities, and this is what the system has been made to help them achieve. The juvenile system aims at trying to redirect young delinquents back to the right path before it is too late. There are several policies that have been setup as a result with a view to achieving this aim and one of these was focused on the Native American population and their education. This policy focu sed on finding Native American youth who were not receiving the required level of care and attention with regard to issues such as the development of their education and stepping into the parental roles to provide these needs (Woolard & Scott, 2009). At one time, the policy functioned by identifying these youthful individuals and removing them from their homes when deemed necessary and placing them in residential schools. This policy emerged after it was discovered that many Native Americans did hold much weight in the western education system and thus did not insist on their children acquiring this education from the school systems that were at their disposal (Bartol & Bartol, 2009). As a result, a large number of these youth resorted to juvenile crimes that got them in trouble with law enforcement and set precedence for them in terms of their future. It was figured that if this was to continue, many of these youth delinquents would grow up to be serious criminals unless something was to be done about the situation. The system worked with the collaboration of the members of society who would report instances where they felt that their neighbors were neglecting their children and thus intervention was needed. The government would then send an official to investigate the claims, and if the accusations were found to be justified the minor was removed from the home and taken to foster care where they would be enrolled into a residential school that was near the vicinity (Siegel& Welsh, 2011). The children would also be identified according to files that were developed on those who had been found culpable of a number of crimes and thus had a record with the juvenile system. If an individual was a repeat offender then concern would be raised within the department, and an official would be sent to the individual’s home to determine whether their domestic environment was a reason behind their delinquent behavior (Barbaree & Marshall, 2008). These methods of id entification seemed to be successful at the beginning, but as time wore on there were a number of issues that were found with such arrangements. Some of the disadvantages or flaws that were identified within the system included issues such as greed whereby foster parents would attempt

White Collar Crime in America Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

White Collar Crime in America - Research Paper Example â€Å"White-crime statistics are drearier still. Though two out of every three Americans have been the victims of a white-collar crime, 85 percent of victims don't file reports with the authorities. An untold number may never even know they have been the victims of crimes such as stock manipulation, double billing for purchases, unnecessary home or auto repairs, embezzlement, or as evidenced by recent events, Ponzi schemes.† (O'Donnell, Jan 29, 2009.) Is there a permanent solution to root out white-collar crimes from American society and if so what are the measures to be initiated? White collar crime baffles definition. The industrialization and the internet revolution which are the foundation stones of the materialistic civilization have contributed much to the advancement of the white-collar crime. Explaining the inability of the thinkers and writers on the subject to come to an acceptable conclusion to tender a definition that is acceptable to all, David O Friedrichs goes to elaborate the major crimes which can be classified as white collar crimes. He writes, â€Å"Some of these terms include economic crime, commercial crime, business crime, marketplace crime, consumer crime, respectable crime, â€Å"crime at the top†, â€Å"suite† crime, elite crime and deviance, official crime and deviance, political crime, governmental crime, state (or state-organized) crime, corporate crime, occupational crime, employees crime, vocational crime, techno-crime, computer crime †¦.†(Friedrichs, 2006, p, 5) That which is evident needs no further app reciation, explanation or elaboration. White collar crime has taken hold many segments of society and is growing in all directions like the octopus. This is also a contentious topic- whether one is committing a legitimate business activity in a free enterprise system which is the hallmark of a capitalist society or indulges in white-collar crime.